La derrota de Eric Cantor y la

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La derrota de Eric Cantor y la ¡”Lección de Inmigración”!

25 de junio de 2014

 

La derrota de Eric Cantor el número dos republicano en la jerarquía del partido fue percibido como el “terremoto de San Francisco” que viene de la nada. Pero realmente ¿vino de la nada? Fue inesperado y no es lógico?

 

Hubo y habrá un montón de análisis en los medios, entre la gente y los políticos acerca de la derrota de Eric Cantor. Sin embargo, y por el bien de este artículo, voy a analizar las lecciones de esta elección que sorprendió a muchos y alegro a otros. Que efectos tiene la derrota de Eric Cantor para propósitos del tema de inmigración y qué efecto pueda tener en la tan esperada reforma.

 

Primera lección: los candidatos anti-inmigrantes siguen pagando los precios más altos en las elecciones de Virginia con la pérdida de sus participaciones!

 

Por contradictorio que pueda sonar esta declaración (porque Bratt es un candidato más anti-inmigrante), uno puede fácilmente llegar a esta conclusión.

 

Al analizar el historial de Eric Cantor, no es necesario poner su política de lucha contra la inmigración bajo un microscopio para saber que por largo tiempo, ha sostenido un claro rechazo y su resistencia a cualquier reforma migratoria integral. En una carrera para ganarse los corazones de los republicanos en un distrito predominantemente republicano, dos candidatos antiinmigrantes lucharán para ganar los votos de los candidatos en temas de inmigración no relacionada.

 

Hoy, en este tipo de carreras, un candidato “del pueblo y para el pueblo” es más atractivo que un “Candidato cabildero de D.C. Sin embargo, si Cantor hubiera tenido una “política de inmigración flexible”, habría movilizado a la “otra” base republicana (cada vez es más grande) que favorece la reforma migratoria.

 

Alguien puede preguntar entonces, ¿pero quienes son esos “otros” republicanos? y la respuesta es: ¡LOS LATINOS!

 

Segunda lección: Los datos demográficos están cambiando en todas partes incluso en VA pero el Partido Republicano en Virginia tiende a pasar por alto este hecho.

 

Incluso Eric Cantor, el número dos del más alto rango republicano. Muchos analistas creen, que no hizo suficientes esfuerzos para ganarse los corazones de los latinos en su distrito, en Virginia o en la nación en general.

 

Se puede decir que los latinos representan una pequeña parte de su distrito, predominantemente blanco. Esto es cierto. ¿Pero recientemente las elecciones no se han decidido por los votantes indecisos y por pocos votos?

 

Muchos creen que una combinación de puntos de vista sobre moderados sobre inmigración y más trabajo con las minorías (afroamericanos, asiáticos y latinos) podría haber cambiado el resultado para el “pez gordo” republicano.

 

Tercera Lección: Los candidatos republicanos pro-inmigrantes han ganado más elecciones primarias recientemente que sus opositores anti-inmigración.

 

En un informe publicado por “Latino Decisions”, el autor publicó una estadística muy interesante en apoyo de esta teoría: “El mismo día que perdió Cantor, el senador republicano Lindsey Graham ganó fácilmente su primaria en la conservadora Carolina del Sur con el 57% de los votos. Su rival más cercano – que lo atacó por apoyar una reforma migratoria – ganó sólo el 15% del voto primario.

 

Como recordarán Graham fue uno de los que conformaron el grupo de los 8 que patrocinaron el proyecto de ley de reforma migratoria que aprobó el Senado de EE.UU.. “El autor del informe citado, dio otros ejemplos de cómo otros republicanos cobraron su apoyo a reforma migratoria ganado sus primarias.

 

“En el distrito 14 de Ohio, Matt Lynch hizo campaña sobre una estricta plataforma antiinmigrante y llamó a su rival David Joyce demasiado moderado en materia de inmigración. El candidato moderado Joyce derrotó fácilmente al candidato anti-inmigrante Lynch. En el Senado EE.UU. En las primarias de Georgia, el candidato anti-inmigrante, Paul Broun, terminó con menos del 10% del voto republicano, perdiendo con el empresario David Perdue.

 

En el distrito 10 de California, el republicano Jeff Denham, que ha co-patrocinado una legislación de reforma migratoria en la Cámara ni siquiera tuvo un rival republicano”.

 

Estas son evidencias claras del impacto que tiene el tema de inmigración en las primarias republicanas.

 

A medida que la carrera por el congreso esta más cerca de su meta final, el tema de la inmigración será un factor de presión. Puede que no sea todavía “el” factor decisivo en el séptimo distrito, pero sin duda va a ser uno de ellos.

 

En el distrito 7th , la carrera en el otoño va a ser entre un candidato demócrata y uno republicano, con puntos de vista muy contrarios en cuanto a la inmigración.

 

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There are dozens of different types of visas available under the provisions of the Immigration and Nationality Act (INA), but they can all be placed in one of two categories: immigrant and nonimmigrant visas. The former is for individuals who are hoping to establish permanent residency with a green card and perhaps even to pursue the path to naturalization and citizenship. The latter is for those who are only planning a temporary visit to the United States, such as for the purpose of conducting business or attending school.

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In its review of immigrant visa petitions, the U.S. Citizenship & Immigration Services (USCIS) weighs factors related to the ties that the prospective immigrant has in the United States and the reasons why he or she wants or needs to come to live in this country. For example, a family immigration petition will not be approved unless the foreign national has immediate relatives such as a spouse, mother or father, child or sibling already living here as a citizen or green card holder. An employment immigration petition is more likely to receive approval if the applicant has a job offer in this country and is coming to fill a position that cannot reasonably be filled from the local labor market. A foreign national who is fleeing persecution in his or her home country may be granted an immigrant visa as a refugee or asylee.

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